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America’s return to the Moon with the Artemis II mission is a moment of pride and a sober reminder that space is not a playground—it is a strategic high ground. NASA has loaded its massive SLS rocket and prepared a two-hour launch window for the crew of Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, Christina Koch and Jeremy Hansen as they set out on a roughly 10-day lunar flyby to prove America’s hardware and resolve. This launch, tentatively targeted for April 1, 2026, is more than a science mission; it is a test of whether the United States will lead or cede the final frontier.
Bill Gertz, who has long sounded the alarm about Chinese and Russian ambitions in space, told audiences recently that Washington must stop treating space like a nice-to-have and start protecting it like the strategic domain it is. Gertz’s reporting makes clear that our adversaries view space as integral to modern warfare and are building counterspace capabilities designed to blind and cripple American forces in a crisis. For conservatives who love American strength, this is not a policy debate—it is a call to action: the United States cannot afford to be outgunned where satellites and cislunar access determine the outcome of future conflicts.
Those warnings are not alarmist bluster; detailed reporting and intelligence assessments show China and Russia have poured resources into direct-ascent anti-satellite missiles, lasers, jammers and co-orbital systems that threaten U.S. space assets. Bill Gertz’s investigative work has cataloged how Beijing’s “space dream” and Moscow’s warfighting doctrine treat control of space as essential to national power, and the evidence should convince even the most casual observer that complacency is deadly. If America wants to protect its troops, communications, navigation, commerce and nuclear deterrent, we must invest strategically and immediately in survivable, resilient space capabilities.
Artemis II itself shows both the brilliance of American ingenuity and the bureaucratic sclerosis that too often slows it down; after earlier delays for hydrogen leaks and heat-shield issues, the mission was pushed and only now returns to the pad with hard-fought repairs and careful testing. That reality proves the point conservatives have been making for years: when missions matter, we need programs that are agile, accountable and properly funded—no more hollow platitudes about cooperation while rivals weaponize orbit. If NASA and the Department of Defense can’t move with the urgency this era demands, Congress should rewrite the rules and give leaders the tools to act.
The answer is not kowtowing to international niceties that hamstring our deterrent; it’s a muscular American strategy that pairs a revitalized Space Force with resilient satellites, active defenses, and forward-looking investments in propulsion, nuclear power and other technologies that secure cislunar space. Think tanks and national-security experts have argued for a doctrine that treats space as a legitimate domain of self-defense, and conservatives should push lawmakers to fund the capability now rather than apologize later. Our adversaries are not waiting for permission—why should we?
This moment demands leadership, backbone and a refusal to sacrifice American dominance on the altar of complacency or political correctness. Congress must step up, fund the systems that keep our families, economy and soldiers safe, and celebrate the brave men and women who will carry the flag beyond Earth’s atmosphere. Patriots know that preserving American freedom starts with holding the high ground in every domain—on land, at sea, in the air, in cyberspace, and yes, in space.
